By December 2015, the prevailing image cultivated by Michel Temer in 34 years of public life - and fueled by friends and allies: the "weighted" political, "formal", "conciliator", "quiet". The political crisis, however, revealed different aspects of the persona vice president of policy of the Republic and the need to understand who is, after all, the politician known as the PMDB Sphinx.
The game has changed in the already historic letter outburst directed at Rousseff six days after the opening of the impeachment process. In the text, in sentimental tone, he laments the condition of "decorative vice" and claims to be the target of "mistrust" and "contempt" of the government.
If by then the PMDB advanced house to house in the power of chess, the episode was a point outside of the curve that marked the removal of government Temer - and showed another nuance of the vice president personality.
Criticized even within the PMDB by letter, considered by some "childish" and "primary" in 2016, Fear seems to have followed the lesson of his own verses, such as the poem "Exposure," published in the book Anonymous Intimacy (2013).
"Writing is exposed to / prove their ability / disability or / and its intimacy / On lines and lines / It would not have been more helpful silence?"
He abandoned the cold attitude of the politician who has accumulated prestige acting doors of offices in and launched the joint government PMDB landing.
Origins
In Btaaboura, a village of 200 inhabitants in northern Lebanon, the main street bears the name of "Michel Tamer (sic), Brazil vice president."
The family Temer, of Maronite Catholics, immigrated to Brazil in 1925, fleeing the post-war problems. He bought a farm in Tiete (SP), city of 40,000 inhabitants between Sorocaba and Piracicaba, and installed a rice and coffee processing machine.
Hasty youngest of eight children, Temer was born and raised in the rural area. As a child, on vacation in the capital and was caught by the metropolis. "I had the feeling that the world was São Paulo", once said.
In the first year of high school, still in Tiete, the teenager was in recovery (second season) in chemistry and physics and gave up the so-called scientific course that favored exact and biological sciences.
In 1957, at age 16, he arrived in São Paulo, this time to finish high school in the classic way, with an emphasis on human and letters. He made the short course of Castelões teacher, preparatory famous for Law and joined the USP, following the path of four older brothers.
He became involved in politics in the first year of university, when it became the second-treasurer of the Academic Center August 11. Prevailed at the time the student movement a nationalist wave, inspired by the Cuban revolution of Fidel Castro and the principle of self-determination, but the faculty of Largo São Francisco kept the liberal trend.
In 1962, already in the midst of the climate that would culminate two years later in the coup that overthrew João Goulart, Temer was CA's presidential candidate - lost by 82 votes, but inoculated taste for politics, that would be dormant during the military dictatorship.
"I confess that during college I did a lot of academic politics, then he was left little time to study, but study not to be reproved," Fearing said in video posted on his YouTube channel.
Academia and government
Neutral before the coup (not supported or fought the change of government), Temer passed the military regime away from political life. He sets up a law firm and started law school at PUC-SP.
As a teacher, used to say on the first day of classes that all were approved. "We will combine the following:.. Has no presence list, you are approved Anyone who wants to attend class even if you do not come, facilitate my life, because I go to the office earlier work in law", he said.
The master who coordinated the PUC had students who would become ministers of the Supreme Court, as Luiz Edson Fachin and Carlos Ayres Britto.
"He was always calm and conciliatory by nature," said Ayres Britto BBC Brazil. "It has a very strong academic vocation, and never thought I would penetrate the field of party politics."
In 1982, he launched Constitutional Law Elements, a book that sold over 240,000 copies, is the 24th edition and today is a reference in the universities.
"It's a good primary work, but with educational value. It is not innovative. (Fear) is not considered a great theoretician, but a great exhibitor," said the lawyer Dalmo Dallari, professor emeritus at the USP and critical to Rousseff impeachment.
In the same year the book was published, Temer was invited by the elected governor Franco Montoro, the newly founded PMDB, to take the state's Attorney General. Montoro had been a professor at PUC and both had lived in college.
It was his first public office relief. "I was 41 and thought as much for my career to have a thousand attorneys under my command," Temer said in 2010 the magazine Piaui.
Months later, Michel Temer assume the Secretariat of Public Security of the State, replacing the lawyer Jose Carlos Dias, who had just suggested Temer to the State Attorney.
Those were times of democratization and social unrest, and the management was marked by episodes in which the secretary personally negotiated the end of public buildings invasions by homeless students and militants. As achievements of the period, he often cite the creation of the first police defense of women and copyright rights in the country.
elections
At the suggestion of Montoro, Temer applied for federal deputy for the PMDB in 1986. With 43,747 votes, was as substitute, but took over the following year and participated in the Constituent Assembly.
In those discussions, opposed the popular amendment of agrarian reform ( "allow indiscriminate expropriation of land") and to vote at 16 - something, he said, would open scope to reduce the legal age. Helped approve projects like the small claims courts, the Consumer Protection Code and the extension of the vote to cables and soldiers.
In 1990, in another application to the House of Representatives, he came out with 32,024 votes and a new temping. He would soon be invited to "put out a fire," something that would be repeated throughout the political career.
In October 1992, again assumed the Secretariat of Public Security of São Paulo, this time at the invitation of Luiz Antonio Fleury Filho (PMDB at the time), a week after the massacre of Carandiru, when 111 prisoners were killed by the military police.
"It's organized. Delegated to absolute confidence of people. Nothing escaped him and took action," he told BBC Paul of Tarsus Mendonça, who was deputy Temer in the folder.
At the end of the passage by the secretariat, he took the federal deputy mandate. It would be re-elected in 1994 with 70,968 votes, and multiply the vote in the following elections: 206,154 in 1998, 252,229 in 2002.
toucans years
The years of the Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) were the culmination of Temer in the polls for parliamentary elections - in 2006, his last election to Congress, obtained 99,000 votes and only entered the remains of the electoral quotient. Also marked his rapid rise within the PMDB.
Elected party leader twice, became president of the first chamber in 1997, with government support FHC, sewn by promise of the PMDB party vote to re-election amendment. similar arrangement took place in his second election to the command of the House, which occurred after the PMDB informally support the reelection of FHC.
In the first of four volumes of the book Diaries presidency, launched in 2015 and which gathers reports of Fernando Henrique Cardoso on the first two years of his administration (1995-1996), former president complains about the "take on, give here" with Congress and demonstrates discomfort with the action of the then federal representative during the discussion of administrative reform.
"And to be more sympathetic to the government, he (Temer) also wants some personal draws near in this issue of appointments. It is always so. Fear is the most discreet, but they do not leak. They all have, of course, their interests," says FHC in the book.
Commonly described by allies as "serene", "quiet" and "conciliatory" Temer had rare raids policies in public. One was in 1999 when he entered on a collision course with then Senate President Antonio Carlos Magalhaes (then the PFL current DEM), by disagreements over the judicial reform.
In squabble, which came to paralyze Congress, ACM said Temer had "horror film butler pose" and hinted at the involvement of colleague in irregularities in the Port of Santos, to which the PMDB had made political statements. "He crossed the square of the Three Powers to ask the president to help a failed bank was not me," countered Temer, in reference to the marketing authorization for action in favor of the now defunct Savings Bank.
Since 2001, Temer articulates a broad range of interests and regional leaders as National PMDB president - the country's largest party, with 69 deputies, 18 senators, 996 mayors and seven governors (RO, RJ, RS, AL, SE, ES and tO), states that account for 23% of national GDP.
In the 2002 election, Temer endorsed the support of the PMDB to the presidential candidacy of José Serra (PSDB), and came to be considered for vice plate - since ended Rita Camata. In the first government Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, remained in the Chamber PMDB group identified as opposition while Lula bet the PMDB Senate, Renan Calheiros and
José Sarney.
PT years
The early years of the Lula era were lean for Temer. Distanced from the center of power in Brasilia, lost positions in the Director of the Chamber Board and indications in state. In 2004, he ran for vice mayor Luiza Erundina and plate bitter fourth place with 4% of the vote.
The scenario began to change in 2005-06, after the biggest crisis of the Lula government, the monthly allowance, illegal political funding scheme organized by PT to secure votes in Congress. The PMDB negotiated support for the president and went on to formally join the government in 2007, increasing its share of ministries and state.
In similar arrangement closed with the PSDB in the FHC years, the PMDB defended the election of the PT to the Speakership in the biennium 2007-2009, the power exchange in the following period - in 2009, Temer took over the House for the third time.
That same year, Temer was quoted in the operation Sand Castle, which investigated an alleged illegal political financing scheme for the construction company Camargo Corrêa - now involved in the operation Lava jet.
The PMDB name appeared in a document with 54 spreadsheets, seized at the home of an executive of the construction company, which would suggest a parallel accounting of the company. Was cited 21 times between 1996 and 1998, next to amounts that totaled $ 345 thousand (R $ 1.2 million in today's money).
The transaction was annulled by the Supreme Court (Supreme Court) by irregularities in the collection of evidence, and Temer always rejected suspicions.
Recently, Senator Delcídio Amaral (former PT without party) involved the vice president in plea bargaining within the research operation Lava jet. He said Temer was directly involved in the appointment of two Petrobras executives who were imprisoned by deviations in the state - the PMDB said he was "outraged" and denied the claims.
in Plateau
In 2010, Temer was summoned again to the role of fireman: this time to ensure the stability of the political system as vice on plate Dilma Rousseff. Deputy united around itself a historically divided party, and a speech that sought to overcome the patronage of Fame acronym.
"Before the PMDB entered the election split to then negotiate support the elected government, so it was called physiologist in the press. But it's over. We are entering the campaign together and will rule together," said the alliance announcement on the eve plate.
In the 2010 campaign, Temer was practically out of the electoral programs and advertisements - appeared on radio and TV only in the second round.
Already as a tenant Jaburu Palace, the official residence of the Vice President, reinforced discretion, according to a former aide. He refused many requests for an interview, but spoke (and still speak) directly with columnists who have older relative.
"It takes into consideration what the assessor says. I never saw him angry or lose his composure, but it shows when he's angry. Who knows realizes the face and voice," said the former aide.
'Charmosão'
At 75, Temer is the third marriage with Marcela Temer, former model and a law degree from 32 years and 1.72 meters - 2 cm more than the husband. Both have a seven year old son, Michel Temer Son, the Michelzinho and Marcela is pregnant with her second child, according to reports published in the press at the end of 2015.
The vice president and his wife met in 2002, during the election campaign. Her father, a well-known economist of political Paulinia (SP), a city of 100,000 inhabitants in the region of Campinas, suggested they greet the mayor - and then candidate for federal deputy Temer was there.
"It was a professional contact who could help me to give up the career (model). But I thought it charmosão" said Marcela in a rare 2010 interview with TPM magazine. After the election, the father of Marcela suggested to send an e-mail to elected deputy congratulating him for the result.
Courtship - the first of Marcela - began shortly after the first meeting, when he received a call from the deputy. "He started yelling, 'love', 'love', 'love you'," said Marcela interview in 2010. They were married four months later.
Besides Michelzinho, Temer has three daughters from his first marriage - Luciana, 46, lawyer, Maristela, 44, and Clarissa, 42, psychologists and psychoanalysts. She has a son of 16 years, the result of a relationship with a journalist of Brasilia.
The vice president is still the integral (though somewhat active) most illustrious of the country of Freemasonry, the fenced institution of mysteries and codes that have had political role in the past but now has basically philanthropic purposes and interpersonal relationships.
Landing
In the four years following the victory in the presidential election, Temer took supporting role in government, as made clear in the controversial letter to Dilma. "I lost all political role he had in the past that could have been used by the government. It was only called to solve the votes of PMDB and political crises," he wrote.
The clearest signs of wear in relation to the Plateau began in 2013. That year, Temer banked against the will of the Plateau, Eduardo Cunha election (PMDB-RJ) for PMDB leadership in the House. Later, after the demonstrations of 2013, he said the idea of a unique Constituent Assembly for political reform, one of the proposed Dilma before the protests, was "unfeasible".
At the time, the deputy said he believed that the protests did not ask for the renewal of the political, but the political system. "This movement was not against political A, B or C. If we were in that line, all the legislative and executive had to leave their posts."
The tension is reduced in the re-election campaign in 2014. Fearing rose in hustings with Dilma in the country and was the first to be named by the president in the statement after the victory. "Once you have been a great vice, became a tireless and combative militant, militant ardent, who walked the Brazil defending our project, our proposals and our government," said Dilma.
In 2015, before the worsening political and economic crisis, PMDB and PT diverged in the election to the Speakership. Temer and his party defended the winning bid of Eduardo Cunha.
Months later, Temer rehearsed once more the role of fireman. Took over government policy articulation in April, but left the role four months later, in late August.
A few weeks before leaving, gave an unusual interview in which, nervous, said the country needed "someone (who) has the ability to reunify all." The current interpretation was that the vice was launched as an alternative policy because the alternative of impeachment had become real.
Months later came the letter to Dilma, whose sentimental tone contradicted the stance of the political brain often classified as sphinx - according to the Concise Oxford: "enigmatic person, little is manifest and those who do not know what to think or feel."
The impeachment has cooled in early 2016 and gave Temer retreat print. But the situation worsened with Dilma denunciation of Delcídio and research on Lula and Temer went on to lead the articulation by the government PMDB output, which increases the isolation management Dilma Rousseff and the chances of stampede of other parties.
"The so-called impeachment is not a country part of the Third World. The part of the Third countries, Second World is the coup. And we here we work all our institutions regularly. (...) This is an example that was, "Temer said in 1992 in reference to the case Fernando Collor in an interview - watered port wine - the Clodovil (1937-2009) presenter.
Moved or not by the desire to occupy the chair of Dilma, the movement of Temer and PMDB this week is another step in gear this piece that can lead you ultimately to the presidency of Brazil.
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